How Ireland Elected a Female President for the Third Time
It is rather uncommon that a country elects a woman for its highest political position for the third time. But it is even more uncommon that the main contenders on the ballot were women. This is the story of the elections for Uachtarán na hÉireann, or the President of Ireland, which were held on October 24.
Independent politician Catherine Connolly won 63% of the vote, grabbing headlines worldwide. Her opponent Heather Humphreys of the Fine Gael party received 29%. Humphreys had the support of the establishment, businesses and farmers; Connolly a swathe of Left-leaning parties, and the motley crew of organisations whose banners are visible at every demonstration on the streets of Ireland: those protesting the genocide in Gaza, those protesting racism in Ireland, those demanding housing for all, those demanding better working conditions for all workers.
Voter turnout was 46% with almost 14.5 lakh votes being cast. Connolly won just over 9 lakh votes. Humphreys won just over 4 lakh votes. Over 2 lakh votes were “spoiled” or invalid, which political commentators have described as “unprecedented”.
Until the votes were counted, there was a nagging doubt about the possibility of the third candidate—Jim Gavin, 54, fielded by the ruling Fianna Fáil party—receiving more votes than the women. He dropped out of the race only 18 days before election date (it was found that he owed €3,300 to a former tenant). Because of Ireland’s single transferrable voting system, voters rank candidates in order of numerical preference on the ballot. If no candidate polls above 50% on the first count, the candidate with fewest votes will be eliminated and their vote for the second option is distributed. Gavin, who has led Dublin’s Gaelic football team to All-Ireland victory six times, was in the Irish military for two decades and currently serves as an aviation regulator, pulled out of the race so late that the ballot papers still had his name and photo. Even so, he got just over a lakh votes, or 7%.
ON THE BALLOT
Connolly, 68, is an independent politician, even though she began her political career with the Labour Party. She was elected mayor of Galway in 1999 and is currently a Teachta Dála (TD or member of Parliament). The staunch advocate of the Irish language has served as deputy speaker of the Dáil (the lower house of the Irish Parliament). She has worked as a clinical psychologist and a barrister. She was among the first to enter the presidential election in July, and was endorsed by the plethora of Ireland’s Left-wing parties: Labour, Social Democrats, People Before Profit, and Greens. When Sinn Féin, the largest party in opposition decided not to field a candidate, they threw their support and resources behind Connolly.
Humphreys, 65 and a former TD, is a Presbyterian from an agricultural background in County Monaghan that borders Northern Ireland. Her father and husband were members of the British Unionist Orange Order, a group that proclaims loyalty to the British Crown. Following her career in a bank, she has held several ministerial positions, including justice, business and enterprise, and the arts.
Ireland will certainly miss 84-year-old Michael D Higgins, whose two-term presidency has been marked by him going off script and connecting with the people, at home and overseas. Described by The Irish Times as “scholar, poet, punk”, and often photographed with his dogs, he has drawn the ire of the government for his public views on Ireland’s excruciating housing crisis as well as the war in Gaza. Higgins led the country during a tumultuous era: austerity, rising unemployment and emigration, and a terrifying housing crisis. Ireland became the most expensive country in Europe during his presidency. It was also the presidency during which Ireland legalised same-sex marriage and abortion. He has been vocal about humanitarian crises around the world, urging Irish citizens—often with his poetry—to remember its colonial history and extend a welcome to refugees.
Even though the presidency is a largely ceremonial office, Connolly’s victory is a loud rejection of Ireland’s centre-right coalition government, led by Fianna Fáil (FF) and Fine Gael (FG). Both are descendants of the original Sinn Fein which had fought for Irish independence. Since independence, it was either FF or FG in power, each opposing the other. It is only in recent years that they have become political bedmates, forming a centre-right coalition. They have been alternating the choice for the roles of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and Tánaiste (Deputy Prime Minister).
Connolly has her task laid out, in following Higgins’ footsteps of being rather autonomous in that office: one that was possible following the election of Mary Robinson as Ireland’s first woman President in 1990. Outspoken former Presidents like Robinson and Higgins have shaped public discourse, even through their limited executive powers.
During televised debates, both Connolly and Humphreys have clashed over how Ireland ought to maintain its ties to the EU, and the conditions of the Occupied Territories Bill (OTB). If passed, it will prohibit importing goods and services from settlements illegally established on occupied territories. Passage of the OTB has been one of the key demands of the pro-Palestine groups in Ireland. Left-wing parties have been demanding the Bill be enacted; Humphreys hesitated on a definitive response when questioned on this.
Connolly has questioned Ireland’s current defence spending. She echoes Ireland’s majority condemnation of the genocide in Gaza; she has questioned the US’ role in supplying arms to Israel for its “colonial expansion”. Humphreys, on the other hand, has been questioned for harsh austerity measures during the global financial crisis in 2009; she has also faced criticism for failing to learn Irish language when appointed minister for the Gaeltacht (Irish-speaking areas). “I was dealing with Brexit, I was dealing with the pandemic, I genuinely didn’t have time,” was her response. However, both have been careful in choosing their words when asked about the possibility of a united Ireland.
A CROWDED FIELD
Ireland seems like an outlier in the Western world to have a woman as a President for the third time. Until 1973, married women were barred from seeking public sector employment, and the country is still reeling from the trauma of unwed mothers sent to Catholic institutions and separated from their newborns. But the race was crowded until few months ago with each candidate bringing their unique personal and professional histories and their public comments often making people squirm.
Joanna Donnelly, a former meteorologist who had also appeared on Dancing with the Stars, described herself as “not very political”. Former EU Commissioner Mairead McGuiness from FG stepped down for health reasons; this prompted the party to field Humphreys. The Establishment has, over the years, been trying to push Ireland towards NATO, and backed McGuinness, given her experience as a member of the European Parliament, expecting her to push this agenda as the President.
Another contender was Maria Steen, a conservative Catholic campaigner who opposed legalizing same-sex marriage and abortion. She received only 18 endorsements from TDs and senators, falling short of the 20 needed. She drew further ire when she was seen with a Hermes handbag, estimated to cost upwards of €10,000. She later claimed: “I wanted to expose the hypocrisy of the Left who don’t love the poor; they just hate the rich.”
Among the men considering nominating themselves were Michael Flateley of Riverdance fame, and Live Aid organiser Bob Geldof. The most controversial was mixed martial arts fighter Conor McGregor, 36, who was found liable for rape in a civil case, and had been ordered to pay nearly €250,000. Described by US President Donald Trump as “fantastic”, McGregor has the support of Ireland’s growing anti-immigrant movement. However, he tapped out early when he could not obtain a single signature from TDs or senators.
FF tried to recover from the Gavin fiasco, and its leader Micheál Martin (also the country’s Taoiseach) declared that he would be voting for Humphreys. Connolly, on the other hand, attended fundraiser concerts for her campaign, tickets for which sold out within an hour. She participated in podcasts, and her social media campaign involved the youth and the working class, who have been angry with a longstanding housing crisis, high cost of living, and political corruption. Last year, the country was shocked when it was found that €336,000 had been spent on a bike shelter in Leinster House (Ireland’s Parliament). Far-right rhetoric has fallen onto the streets with instances of violence in hotels where asylum seekers are being housed.
The President of Ireland signs on legislation, ensures that the Constitution is adhered to, and represents the country abroad. Connolly wants to be the President “who speaks for peace, not just abroad, but at home,” while defending Ireland’s neutrality. After Gavin pulled out of the race, Ivan Yates, a former minister with FG, said on his podcast that the only way to defeat Connolly was to “smear the bejaysus out of her”. Vocalised by a man, it was a reminder of how votes are swayed. The news coverage has been similarly skewed. There were criticisms about the manner in which both female candidates have been interviewed in the media. Connolly has been repeatedly asked to clarify about her trip to Syria in 2018 during which she was seen with supporters of Assad; Humphreys’ evasive responses about austerity measures were not met with stern follow-up questions, but she was instead asked if she would keep her toaster on the counter or the press—a reference to Irish-Protestant culture.
WOMEN AT THE HELM
Several countries have benefited from a woman as their leader, and this is most notable during the pandemic years. Equally true is the reality of female leaders who had fomented the growth of the right wing: Marine Le Pen and Giorgia Meloni have, in recent years, joined in the footsteps of Margaret Thatcher, Sheikh Hasina and Indira Gandhi for their draconian ways. Most recently, Japan nominated Sakae Takaichi as its Prime Minister, making her the first woman head of state in a deeply patriarchal, sexist and misogynist country. Takaichi is from the ruling LDP and viewed former PM Shinzo Abe as her mentor; he was hailed for trying to bring more women into the workforce, but critics saw that as a tactic in the face of his austerity measures. Takaichi, meanwhile, has been opposed to same-sex marriage, and opposes a growing demand that women should retain their surnames after marriage. As Trump traveled to Japan, Takaichi called for him to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
In her speech right after her win was declared at Dublin Castle on October 25, Connolly first spoke in Gaeilge (Irish language) and then in English. She had said during one interview that it was only at the age of 50, after entering politics, that she endeavoured to master Gaeilge (violently forced on the Irish by British colonisers for 800 years is finding a slow resurgence in the past two decades). Acknowledging those who did not vote for her, Connolly pledged to be a “president for all”. “I will be a voice for peace, a voice that builds on our policy of neutrality, a voice that articulates the existential threat posed by climate change… Our public and democracy needs constructive questioning… Together, we can shape a new republic that values everybody, that values and champions diversity and that takes confidence in our own identity,” she said.
Meanwhile, the rest of us are still remembering—and dissecting—the campaign. Connolly was seen playing football and basketball with children in a working-class apartment complex in north Dublin; social media went abuzz when she sustained a row of keepie-uppies, bouncing the ball on her knee. On a radio show, she shared how she completed a 10k race in 1995 when she was six months pregnant. Connolly was always seen wearing a non-descript black jacket with an equally non-descript white top, almost like a T-shirt. Humphreys was seen canvassing among business owners, her pantsuit, her silk blouses, her pearl necklace, and the fringe on her short blonde hair always in place. She slipped into large boots to get into the bogs, when canvassing among farmers.
Is it necessary to comment on what women wear? While this was never discussed in the elections in Ireland—as it shouldn’t be—what a woman wears becomes political when we compare it with what The Establishment expects of a woman to represent the dominant agendas. There is a trend of how women who represent The Establishment present themselves to their political parties, to their constituencies, to their agendas, to the rest of the world. The resemblance in uncanny in current politics: be it Japan’s first Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, Democratic candidates for US Presidential elections Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris, EU President Ursula von der Leyen.
When women in leadership positions are still so rare, the politics of the women contenders, even when problematic, are often sidelined. Hence, the Presidential election in Ireland was special: the two women contenders vied for the position not based on their gender but based on their political beliefs and promises.
It is still a man’s world: The Washington Post interviewed three men but not a single woman, when writing about Connolly’s win. Connolly—one of 14 children of a carpenter who builds boats and a mother who died when she was just nine—spoke for what Ireland ought to be and how she would work towards it. Her words have resonated with those desiring a more equitable and just way to live on this tiny rainy island.
Priyanka Borpujari is an independent journalist currently based in Dublin, Ireland. Her work can be found at www.priyankaborpujari.com
Edited by Shalini Umachandran
